Konuşmanın Türkçesini okumak için:
Prof. Dr. Ercan Enç – Güney Kafkasya’da Güvenlik Konferansı Konuşması
Distinguished Ambassadors, domestic and foreign academics, party leaders and administrators, and participants; in the first session of the “Security Conference in the South Caucasus,” we listened to the valuable contributions of the foreign participants on this subject. In this part of the conference, we will address the views and assessments of the Turkish participants. First of all, I would like to thank the USMER administrators who entrusted me with the duty of chairing this session.
Undoubtedly, there are two elements that we need to clarify at this conference. First: From whom and from where does the threat to security in the South Caucasus originate and where does the Trump Corridor, planned to be built between mainland Azerbaijan and Nakhchivan, stand within this threat? Second: Is the security of the South Caucasus an independent front? Or is the security of the South Caucasus an integral part of the security of a broader front extending to the Black Sea, the Mediterranean, and as far as Hormuz?
As is known, Israeli officials have been saying for several years that Türkiye poses a greater threat than Iran, and recently they have begun to say that now it is Türkiye’s turn. Undoubtedly, an attack by Israel alone against Türkiye is not a threat to be taken seriously. However, Joe Kent, the Director of the U.S. Counterterrorism Center, who resigned one or two weeks ago, stated that “within a few years, Israel and Türkiye will enter into a war starting from Syria, and that in order to avoid NATO’s Article 5, the United States will withdraw from NATO in order to stand by Israel.” It is clear that this is not Joe Kent’s personal opinion, but the expression of a plan determined by the U.S. state. Are Trump’s recent negative statements about NATO a part of this plan? If this plan materializes, it will not be only the United States and Israel on the ground; Southern Cyprus and Greece will also be present. In a situation where the United States is not in NATO, can Türkiye believe in the expectation that the European wing of NATO would stand by Türkiye based on Article 5 of NATO? Will Türkiye be left alone against the United States, Israel, Southern Cyprus, Greece, and certain European countries? In such a case, what kind of alliance necessity exists for the security of the South Caucasus, the Black Sea, the Mediterranean, and Hormuz?
In order to clarify all these issues, I invite the distinguished speakers to the podium.
